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    Comments 1 of 2 Aug. Our new research, published in Historia Mathematicashows that the Babylonians were able to construct a trigonometric table using only the exact ratios of sides of a right-angled triangle.

    This is a completely different form of trigonometry that does not need the familiar modern concept of angles. At school we are told that the shape of a right-angled triangle depends upon the other two angles. The angle is related to the circumference of a circle, which is divided into parts or degrees. This angle is then used to describe the ratios of the sides of the right-angled triangle through sin, cos and tan. But circles and right-angled triangles are very different, and the price of having simple values for the angle is borne by the ratios, which are very complicated and must be approximated.

    He is said to be the father of trigonometry because he used his table of chords to calculate orbits of the moon and sun. But our new research shows this was not the first, or only, or best approach to trigonometry. Babylonian trigonometry The Babylonians discovered their own unique form of trigonometry during the Old Babylonian period BCEmore than 1, years earlier than the Greek form.

    Remarkably, their trigonometry contains none of the hallmarks of our modern trigonometry -- it does not use angles and it does not use approximation. The Babylonians had a completely different conceptualization of a right triangle. They saw it as half of a rectangle, and due to their sophisticated sexagesimal base 60 number system they were able to construct a wide variety of right triangles using only exact ratios. The Greek L and Babylonian R conceptualization of a right triangle.

    Notably the Babylonians did not use angles to describe a right triangle. For example, if you divide 1 hour by 3 then you get exactly 20 minutes. The fundamental difference is the convention to treat hours and dollars in different number systems: Time is sexagesimal and dollars are decimal. The Babylonians knew that their sexagesmial number system allowed for many more exact divisions. For a more sophisticated example, 1 hour divided by 48 is 1 minute and 15 seconds. This precise arithmetic of the Babylonians also influenced their geometry, which they preferred to be exact.

    The Plimpton tablet We now know that the Babylonians studied trigonometry because we have a fragment of one of their trigonometric tables. Plimpton is a broken clay tablet from the ancient city of Larsawhich was located near Tell as-Senkereh in modern day Iraq. The tablet was written between BCE. In the s, the archaeologist, academic and adventurer Edgar J Banks sold the tablet to the American publisher and philanthropist George Arthur Plimpton.

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    Plimpton bequeathed his entire collection of mathematical artifacts to Columbia University inand it resides there today in the Rare Book and Manuscript Library. It's available online through the Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative. This is the fundamental relationship of the three sides of a right-angled triangle, and this discovery proved that the Babylonians knew this relationship more than 1, years before the Greek mathematician Pythagoras was born. The fundamental relation between the side lengths of a right triangle.

    Plimpton has ruled space on the reverse, which indicates that additional rows were intended. Inthe Yale-based science historian Derek J de Solla Price discovered the pattern behind the complex sequence of Pythagorean triples and we now know that it was originally intended to contain 38 rows in total. But the tablet's purpose remained elusive.

    The first five rows of Plimptonwith reconstructed columns and numbers written in decimal. The surviving fragment of Plimpton starts with the Pythagorean triple, The next triple is, This makes sense when you realize that the first triple is almost a square which is an extreme kind of rectangleand the next is slightly flatter.

    In fact the right-angled triangles are slowly but steadily getting flatter throughout the entire sequence. Watch the triangles change shape as we go down the list. So the trigonometric nature of this table is suggested by the information on the surviving fragment alone, but it is even more apparent from the reconstructed tablet.

    This argument must be made carefully because modern notions such as angle were not present at the time Plimpton was written. How then might it be a trigonometric table?

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    Fundamentally a trigonometric table must describe three ratios of a right triangle. Instead, information about this ratio is split into three columns of exact numbers. No approximation The most remarkable aspect of Babylonian trigonometry is its precision. Babylonian trigonometry is exact, whereas we are accustomed to approximate trigonometry. The Babylonian approach is also much simpler because it only uses exact ratios.

    There are no irrational numbers and no angles, and this means that there is also no sin, cos or tan or approximation. It is difficult to say why this approach to trigonometry has not survived.

    Perhaps it went out of fashion because the Greek approach using angles is more suitable for astronomical calculations. Without evidence, we can only speculate.

    We are only beginning to understand this ancient civilization, which is likely to hold many more secrets waiting to be discovered. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.
    Because much of genetics is based on quantitative data, mathematical techniques are used extensively in genetics. The laws of probability are applicable to crossbreeding and are used to predict frequencies of specific genetic constitutions in offspring.

    Geneticists also use statistical methods to determine… Ancient mathematical sources It is important to be aware of the character of the sources for the study of the history of mathematics.

    The history of Mesopotamian and Egyptian mathematics is based on the extant original documents written by scribes. Although in the case of Egypt these documents are few, they are all of a type and leave little doubt that Egyptian mathematics was, on the whole, elementary and profoundly practical in its orientation.

    For Mesopotamian mathematics, on the other hand, there are a large number of clay tablets, which reveal mathematical achievements of a much higher order than those of the Egyptians.

    The tablets indicate that the Mesopotamians had a great deal of remarkable mathematical knowledge, although they offer no evidence that this knowledge was organized into a deductive system. Future research may reveal more about the early development of mathematics in Mesopotamia or about its influence on Greek mathematics, but it seems likely that this picture of Mesopotamian mathematics will stand.

    This stands in complete contrast to the situation described above for Egyptian and Babylonian documents. Although, in general outline, the present account of Greek mathematics is secure, in such important matters as the origin of the axiomatic methodthe pre-Euclidean theory of ratios, and the discovery of the conic sectionshistorians have given competing accounts based on fragmentary texts, quotations of early writings culled from nonmathematical sources, and a considerable amount of conjecture.

    Many important treatises from the early period of Islamic mathematics have not survived or have survived only in Latin translations, so that there are still many unanswered questions about the relationship between early Islamic mathematics and the mathematics of Greece and India.

    In addition, the amount of surviving material from later centuries is so large in comparison with that which has been studied that it is not yet possible to offer any sure judgment of what later Islamic mathematics did not contain, and therefore it is not yet possible to evaluate with any assurance what was original in European mathematics from the 11th to the 15th century.

    In modern times the invention of printing has largely solved the problem of obtaining secure texts and has allowed historians of mathematics to concentrate their editorial efforts on the correspondence or the unpublished works of mathematicians. However, the exponential growth of mathematics means that, for the period from the 19th century on, historians are able to treat only the major figures in any detail. In addition, there is, as the period gets nearer the present, the problem of perspective.

    Mathematics, like any other human activity, has its fashions, and the nearer one is to a given period, the more likely these fashions will look like the wave of the future. For this reason, the present article makes no attempt to assess the most recent developments in the subject. Berggren Mathematics in ancient Mesopotamia Until the s it was commonly supposed that mathematics had its birth among the ancient Greeks.

    What was known of earlier traditions, such as the Egyptian as represented by the Rhind papyrus edited for the first time only inoffered at best a meagre precedent. This impression gave way to a very different view as historians succeeded in deciphering and interpreting the technical materials from ancient Mesopotamia. Existing specimens of mathematics represent all the major eras—the Sumerian kingdoms of the 3rd millennium bce, the Akkadian and Babylonian regimes 2nd millenniumand the empires of the Assyrians early 1st millenniumPersians 6th through 4th century bceand Greeks 3rd century bce to 1st century ce.

    The level of competence was already high as early as the Old Babylonian dynastythe time of the lawgiver-king Hammurabi c. The application of mathematics to astronomy, however, flourished during the Persian and Seleucid Greek periods. The numeral system and arithmetic operations Unlike the Egyptians, the mathematicians of the Old Babylonian period went far beyond the immediate challenges of their official accounting duties. For example, they introduced a versatile numeral system, which, like the modern system, exploited the notion of place value, and they developed computational methods that took advantage of this means of expressing numbers; they solved linear and quadratic problems by methods much like those now used in algebra ; their success with the study of what are now called Pythagorean number triples was a remarkable feat in number theory.

    The scribes who made such discoveries must have believed mathematics to be worthy of study in its own right, not just as a practical tool.

    The older Sumerian system of numerals followed an additive decimal base principle similar to that of the Egyptians. But the Old Babylonian system converted this into a place-value system with the base of 60 sexagesimal.

    The reasons for the choice of 60 are obscure, but one good mathematical reason might have been the existence of so many divisors 2, 3, 4, and 5, and some multiples of the base, which would have greatly facilitated the operation of division. For numbers from 1 to 59, the symbols for 1 and for 10 were combined in the simple additive manner e.

    But to express larger values, the Babylonians applied the concept of place value. For example, 60 was written as70 as80 asand so on.

    In fact, could represent any power of The context determined which power was intended. By the 3rd century bce, the Babylonians appear to have developed a placeholder symbol that functioned as a zerobut its precise meaning and use is still uncertain. Furthermore, they had no mark to separate numbers into integral and fractional parts as with the modern decimal point. The four arithmetic operations were performed in the same way as in the modern decimal system, except that carrying occurred whenever a sum reached 60 rather than Multiplication was facilitated by means of tables; one typical tablet lists the multiples of a number by 1, 2, 3,…, 19, 20, 30, 40, and To multiply two numbers several places long, the scribe first broke the problem down into several multiplications, each by a one-place number, and then looked up the value of each product in the appropriate tables.

    He found the answer to the problem by adding up these intermediate results. These tables also assisted in division, for the values that head them were all reciprocals of regular numbers. Regular numbers are those whose prime factors divide the base; the reciprocals of such numbers thus have only a finite number of places by contrast, the reciprocals of nonregular numbers produce an infinitely repeating numeral.

    In base 10, for example, only numbers with factors of 2 and 5 e. In base 60, only numbers with factors of 2, 3, and 5 are regular; for example, 6 and 54 are regular, so that their reciprocals 10 and 1 6 40 are finite. To divide a number by any regular number, then, one can consult the table of multiples for its reciprocal. An interesting tablet in the collection of Yale University shows a square with its diagonals. The scribe thus appears to have known an equivalent of the familiar long method of finding square roots.

    They also show that the Babylonians were aware of the relation between the hypotenuse and the two legs of a right triangle now commonly known as the Pythagorean theorem more than a thousand years before the Greeks used it. A type of problem that occurs frequently in the Babylonian tablets seeks the base and height of a rectangle, where their product and sum have specified values.

    In the same way, if the product and difference were given, the sum could be found. This procedure is equivalent to a solution of the general quadratic in one unknown. In some places, however, the Babylonian scribes solved quadratic problems in terms of a single unknown, just as would now be done by means of the quadratic formula.

    Although these Babylonian quadratic procedures have often been described as the earliest appearance of algebrathere are important distinctions. The scribes lacked an algebraic symbolism; although they must certainly have understood that their solution procedures were general, they always presented them in terms of particular cases, rather than as the working through of general formulas and identities. They thus lacked the means for presenting general derivations and proofs of their solution procedures.

    Their use of sequential procedures rather than formulas, however, is less likely to detract from an evaluation of their effort now that algorithmic methods much like theirs have become commonplace through the development of computers.

    If one selects values at random for two of the terms, the third will usually be irrationalbut it is possible to find cases in which all three terms are integers: Such solutions are sometimes called Pythagorean triples. A tablet in the Columbia University Collection presents a list of 15 such triples decimal equivalents are shown in parentheses at the right; the gaps in the expressions for h, b, and d separate the place values in the sexagesimal numerals: The entries in the column for h have to be computed from the values for b and d, for they do not appear on the tablet; but they must once have existed on a portion now missing.

    In the table the implied values p and q turn out to be regular numbers falling in the standard set of reciprocals, as mentioned earlier in connection with the multiplication tables. Scholars are still debating nuances of the construction and the intended use of this table, but no one questions the high level of expertise implied by it. Mathematical astronomy The sexagesimal method developed by the Babylonians has a far greater computational potential than what was actually needed for the older problem texts.

    With the development of mathematical astronomy in the Seleucid period, however, it became indispensable. Astronomers sought to predict future occurrences of important phenomena, such as lunar eclipses and critical points in planetary cycles conjunctions, oppositions, stationary points, and first and last visibility.

    The results were then organized into a table listing positions as far ahead as the scribe chose. Although the method is purely arithmetic, one can interpret it graphically: While observations extending over centuries are required for finding the necessary parameters e. Within a relatively short time perhaps a century or lessthe elements of this system came into the hands of the Greeks. Although Hipparchus 2nd century bce favoured the geometric approach of his Greek predecessors, he took over parameters from the Mesopotamians and adopted their sexagesimal style of computation.

    Through the Greeks it passed to Arab scientists during the Middle Ages and thence to Europe, where it remained prominent in mathematical astronomy during the Renaissance and the early modern period. To this day it persists in the use of minutes and seconds to measure time and angles. Aspects of the Old Babylonian mathematics may have come to the Greeks even earlier, perhaps in the 5th century bce, the formative period of Greek geometry.

    There are a number of parallels that scholars have noted. Further, the Babylonian rule for estimating square roots was widely used in Greek geometric computations, and there may also have been some shared nuances of technical terminology. Although details of the timing and manner of such a transmission are obscure because of the absence of explicit documentation, it seems that Western mathematics, while stemming largely from the Greeks, is considerably indebted to the older Mesopotamians.

    Page 1 of 6.
    Mathematics in ancient Egypt The introduction of writing in Egypt in the predynastic period c.

    By virtue of their writing skills, the scribes took on all the duties of a civil service: Young men enrolled in scribal schools to learn the essentials of the trade, which included not only reading and writing but also the basics of mathematics. One of the texts popular as a copy exercise in the schools of the New Kingdom 13th century bce was a satiric letter in which one scribe, Hori, taunts his rival, Amen-em-opet, for his incompetence as an adviser and manager.

    Answer us, how many bricks are needed? This problem, and three others like it in the same letter, cannot be solved without further data.

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    But the point of the humour is clear, as Hori challenges his rival with these hard, but typical, tasks. What is known of Egyptian mathematics tallies well with the tests posed by the scribe Hori. The information comes primarily from two long papyrus documents that once served as textbooks within scribal schools. The Rhind papyrus in the British Museum is a copy made in the 17th century bce of a text two centuries older still.

    In it is found a long table of fractional parts to help with division, followed by the solutions of 84 specific problems in arithmetic and geometry. The Golenishchev papyrus in the Moscow Museum of Fine Artsdating from the 19th century bce, presents 25 problems of a similar type. These problems reflect well the functions the scribes would perform, for they deal with how to distribute beer and bread as wages, for example, and how to measure the areas of fields as well as the volumes of pyramids and other solids.

    The numeral system and arithmetic operations The Egyptians, like the Romans after them, expressed numbers according to a decimal scheme, using separate symbols for 1, 10,1, and so on; each symbol appeared in the expression for a number as many times as the value it represented occurred in the number itself.

    For example, stood for This rather cumbersome notation was used within the hieroglyphic writing found in stone inscriptions and other formal texts, but in the papyrus documents the scribes employed a more convenient abbreviated script, called hieratic writing, where, for example, 24 was written.

    Ancient Egyptians customarily wrote from right to left. Because they did not have a positional system, they needed separate symbols for each power of In such a system, addition and subtraction amount to counting how many symbols of each kind there are in the numerical expressions and then rewriting with the resulting number of symbols.

    The texts that survive do not reveal what, if any, special procedures the scribes used to assist in this. But for multiplication they introduced a method of successive doubling. For example, to multiply 28 by 11, one constructs a table of multiples of 28 like the following: The several entries in the first column that together sum to 11 i. To divide by 28, the Egyptians applied the same procedure in reverse.

    Using the same table as in the multiplication problem, one can see that 8 produces the largest multiple of 28 that is less then for the entry at 16 is alreadyand 8 is checked off. The process is then repeated, this time for the remainder 84 obtained by subtracting the entry at 8 from the original number This, however, is already smaller than the entry at 4, which consequently is ignored, but it is greater than the entry at 2 56which is then checked off.

    The process is repeated again for the remainder obtained by subtracting 56 from the previous remainder of 84, or 28, which also happens to exactly equal the entry at 1 and which is then checked off. The entries that have been checked off are added up, yielding the quotient: In most cases, of course, there is a remainder that is less than the divisor.

    For larger numbers this procedure can be improved by considering multiples of one of the factors by 10, 20,…or even by higher orders of magnitude1,…as necessary in the Egyptian decimal notation, these multiples are easy to work out. Thus, one can find the product of 28 by 27 by setting out the multiples of 28 by 1, 2, 4, 8, 10, and Since the entries 1, 2, 4, and 20 add up to 27, one has only to add up the corresponding multiples to find the answer.

    Computations involving fractions are carried out under the restriction to unit parts that is, fractions that in modern notation are written with 1 as the numerator. A considerable portion of the papyrus texts is devoted to tables to facilitate the finding of such unit-fraction values.

    These elementary operations are all that one needs for solving the arithmetic problems in the papyri. In one group of problems an interesting trick is used: Here one first supposes the quantity to be 7: Geometry The geometric problems in the papyri seek measurements of figures, like rectangles and triangles of given base and height, by means of suitable arithmetic operations.

    An interesting procedure is used to find the area of the circle Rhind papyrus, problem For example, if the diameter is 9, the area is set equal to This is a rather good estimate, being about 0. But there is nothing in the papyri indicating that the scribes were aware that this rule was only approximate rather than exact. A remarkable result is the rule for the volume of the truncated pyramid Golenishchev papyrus, problem The scribe assumes the height to be 6, the base to be a square of side 4, and the top a square of side 2.

    Since this is correct, it can be assumed that the scribe also knew the general rule: How the scribes actually derived the rule is a matter for debate, but it is reasonable to suppose that they were aware of related rules, such as that for the volume of a pyramid: The Egyptians employed the equivalent of similar triangles to measure distances.

    For instance, the seked of a pyramid is stated as the number of palms in the horizontal corresponding to a rise of one cubit seven palms. The Greek sage Thales of Miletus 6th century bce is said to have measured the height of pyramids by means of their shadows the report derives from Hieronymus, a disciple of Aristotle in the 4th century bce. In light of the seked computations, however, this report must indicate an aspect of Egyptian surveying that extended back at least 1, years before the time of Thales.

    The Egyptian sekedThe Egyptians defined the seked as the ratio of the run to the rise, which is the reciprocal of the modern definition of the slope. Assessment of Egyptian mathematics The papyri thus bear witness to a mathematical tradition closely tied to the practical accounting and surveying activities of the scribes. Occasionally, the scribes loosened up a bit: Other than this, however, Egyptian mathematics falls firmly within the range of practice.

    Even allowing for the scantiness of the documentation that survives, the Egyptian achievement in mathematics must be viewed as modest. Its most striking features are competence and continuity. The scribes managed to work out the basic arithmetic and geometry necessary for their official duties as civil managers, and their methods persisted with little evident change for at least a millennium, perhaps two. Indeed, when Egypt came under Greek domination in the Hellenistic period from the 3rd century bce onwardthe older school methods continued.

    Quite remarkably, the older unit-fraction methods are still prominent in Egyptian school papyri written in the demotic Egyptian and Greek languages as late as the 7th century ce, for example.

    To the extent that Egyptian mathematics left a legacy at all, it was through its impact on the emerging Greek mathematical tradition between the 6th and 4th centuries bce. Because the documentation from this period is limited, the manner and significance of the influence can only be conjectured.

    But the report about Thales measuring the height of pyramids is only one of several such accounts of Greek intellectuals learning from Egyptians; Herodotus and Plato describe with approval Egyptian practices in the teaching and application of mathematics. This literary evidence has historical support, since the Greeks maintained continuous trade and military operations in Egypt from the 7th century bce onward.

    Similarly, arithmetic started with the commerce and trade of Phoenician merchants. Although Proclus wrote quite late in the ancient period in the 5th century cehis account drew upon views proposed much earlier—by Herodotus mid-5th century bcefor example, and by Eudemusa disciple of Aristotle late 4th century bce.

    Their names—located on the map under their cities of birth—can be clicked to access their biographies. However plausible, this view is difficult to check, for there is only meagre evidence of practical mathematics from the early Greek period roughly, the 8th through the 4th century bce. Inscriptions on stone, for example, reveal use of a numeral system the same in principle as the familiar Roman numerals. Herodotus seems to have known of the abacus as an aid for computation by both Greeks and Egyptians, and about a dozen stone specimens of Greek abaci survive from the 5th and 4th centuries bce.

    In the 6th century bce the engineer Eupalinus of Megara directed an aqueduct through a mountain on the island of Samos, and historians still debate how he did it. In a further indication of the practical aspects of early Greek mathematics, Plato describes in his Laws how the Egyptians drilled their children in practical problems in arithmetic and geometry; he clearly considered this a model for the Greeks to imitate. Such hints about the nature of early Greek practical mathematics are confirmed in later sources—for example, in the arithmetic problems in papyrus texts from Ptolemaic Egypt from the 3rd century bce onward and the geometric manuals by Heron of Alexandria 1st century ce.

    In its basic manner this Greek tradition was much like the earlier traditions in Egypt and Mesopotamia. Indeed, it is likely that the Greeks borrowed from such older sources to some extent. This means two things: From the Greeks came a proof of a general rule for finding all such sets of numbers now called Pythagorean triples: As Euclid proves in Book X of the Elementsnumbers of this form satisfy the relation for Pythagorean triples.

    Further, the Mesopotamians appear to have understood that sets of such numbers a, b, and c form the sides of right triangles, but the Greeks proved this result Euclid, in fact, proves it twice: The Elements, composed by Euclid of Alexandria about bce, was the pivotal contribution to theoretical geometry, but the transition from practical to theoretical mathematics had occurred much earlier, sometime in the 5th century bce.

    Initiated by men like Pythagoras of Samos late 6th century and Hippocrates of Chios late 5th centurythe theoretical form of geometry was advanced by others, most prominently the Pythagorean Archytas of TarentumTheaetetus of Athensand Eudoxus of Cnidus 4th century. Because the actual writings of these men do not survive, knowledge about their work depends on remarks made by later writers. While even this limited evidence reveals how heavily Euclid depended on them, it does not set out clearly the motives behind their studies.

    It is thus a matter of debate how and why this theoretical transition took place.

    Daniel 3 Commentary Precept Austin

    A frequently cited factor is the discovery of irrational numbers. This assumption is common enough in practice, as when the length of a given line is said to be so many feet plus a fractional part. However, it breaks down for the lines that form the side and diagonal of the square.

    For example, if it is supposed that the ratio between the side and diagonal may be expressed as the ratio of two whole numbers, it can be shown that both of these numbers must be even. This is impossible, since every fraction may be expressed as a ratio of two whole numbers having no common factors. Geometrically, this means that there is no length that could serve as a unit of measure of both the side and diagonal; that is, the side and diagonal cannot each equal the same length multiplied by different whole numbers.

    This result was already well known at the time of Plato and may well have been discovered within the school of Pythagoras in the 5th century bce, as some late authorities like Pappus of Alexandria 4th century ce maintain. Both Theaetetus and Eudoxus contributed to the further study of irrationals, and their followers collected the results into a substantial theory, as represented by the propositions of Book X of the Elements.

    The discovery of irrationals must have affected the very nature of early mathematical research, for it made clear that arithmetic was insufficient for the purposes of geometry, despite the assumptions made in practical work. Further, once such seemingly obvious assumptions as the commensurability of all lines turned out to be in fact false, then in principle all mathematical assumptions were rendered suspect. At the least it became necessary to justify carefully all claims made about mathematics.

    Even more basically, it became necessary to establish what a reasoning has to be like to qualify as a proof. These were to serve as sources for Euclid in his comprehensive textbook a century later. The early mathematicians were not an isolated group but part of a larger, intensely competitive intellectual environment of pre-Socratic thinkers in Ionia and Italy, as well as Sophists at Athens. By insisting that only permanent things could have real existence, the philosopher Parmenides 5th century bce called into question the most basic claims about knowledge itself.
    The triples are too many and too large to have been obtained by brute force.

    Much has been written on the subject, including some speculation perhaps anachronistic as to whether the tablet could have served as an early trigonometrical table. Care must be exercised to see the tablet in terms of methods familiar or accessible to scribes at the time. Robson, "Neither Sherlock Holmes nor Babylon: Geometry[ edit ] Babylonians knew the common rules for measuring volumes and areas. The volume of a cylinder was taken as the product of the base and the height, however, the volume of the frustum of a cone or a square pyramid was incorrectly taken as the product of the height and half the sum of the bases.

    Example cases for the Pythagorean theorem were also known to the Babylonians. There are no sources indicating that Babylonians were aware of the Pythagorean theoremwhich is a general statement. This measurement for distances eventually was converted to a "time-mile" used for measuring the travel of the Sun, therefore, representing time.

    Tablets found in the British Museum provide evidence that the Babylonians even went so far as to have a concept of objects in an abstract mathematical space. The tablets date from between and 50 B.

    History of Mesopotamia | historical region, Asia

    The Babylonians used a method for estimating the area under a curve by drawing a trapezoid underneath, a technique previously believed to have originated in 14th century Europe. This method of estimation allowed them to, for example, find the distance Jupiter had traveled in a certain amount of time.

    Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. October Learn how and when to remove this template message Since the rediscovery of the Babylonian civilization, it has become apparent that Greek and Hellenistic mathematicians and astronomersand in particular Hipparchusborrowed greatly from the Babylonians.

    Ptolemy had stated in his Almagest IV. However Kugler found that the periods that Ptolemy attributes to Hipparchus had already been used in Babylonian ephemeridesspecifically the collection of texts nowadays called "System B" sometimes attributed to Kidinnu. Apparently Hipparchus only confirmed the validity of the periods he learned from the Chaldeans by his newer observations.

    It is clear that Hipparchus and Ptolemy after him had an essentially complete list of eclipse observations covering many centuries.

    Most likely these had been compiled from the "diary" tablets: Preserved examples date from BC to ADbut probably the records went back as far as the reign of the Babylonian king Nabonassar: Ptolemy starts his chronology with the first day in the Egyptian calendar of the first year of Nabonassar, i. This raw material by itself must have been hard to use, and no doubt the Chaldeans themselves compiled extracts of e. This allowed them to recognise periodic recurrences of events.

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    Among others they used in System B cf. This is now known as the saros period, which is useful for predicting eclipses. Various relations with yearly phenomena led to different values for the length of the year.

    Daniel 3 Commentary Precept Austin

    Similarly various relations between the periods of the planets were known. All this knowledge was transferred to the Greeks probably shortly after the conquest by Alexander the Great BC. According to the late classical philosopher Simplicius early 6th century ADAlexander ordered the translation of the historical astronomical records under supervision of his chronicler Callisthenes of Olynthuswho sent it to his uncle Aristotle.

    Although Simplicius is a very late source, his account may be reliable. He spent some time in exile at the Sassanid Persian court, and may have accessed sources otherwise lost in the West. Anyway, Aristotle's pupil Callippus of Cyzicus introduced his year cycle, which improved on the year Metonic cycleabout that time. He had the first year of his first cycle start at the summer solstice of 28 June BC Proleptic Julian calendar datebut later he seems to have counted lunar months from the first month after Alexander's decisive battle at Gaugamela in fall BC.

    Babylonia - Code of Hammurabi - Crystalinks

    So Callippus may have obtained his data from Babylonian sources and his calendar may have been anticipated by Kidinnu. Also it is known that the Babylonian priest known as Berossus wrote around BC a book in Greek on the rather mythological history of Babylonia, the Babyloniacafor the new ruler Antiochus I ; it is said that later he founded a school of astrology on the Greek island of Kos. In any case, the translation of the astronomical records required profound knowledge of the cuneiform scriptthe language, and the procedures, so it seems likely that it was done by some unidentified Chaldeans.

    Now, the Babylonians dated their observations in their lunisolar calendar, in which months and years have varying lengths 29 or 30 days; 12 or 13 months respectively. At the time they did not use a regular calendar such as based on the Metonic cycle like they did laterbut started a new month based on observations of the New Moon.

    This made it very tedious to compute the time interval between events. What Hipparchus may have done is transform these records to the Egyptian calendarwhich uses a fixed year of always days consisting of 12 months of 30 days and 5 extra days: Ptolemy dated all observations in this calendar. Pliny states Naturalis Historia II. IX 53 on eclipse predictions: This seems to imply that Hipparchus predicted eclipses for a period of years, but considering the enormous amount of computation required, this is very unlikely.

    Rather, Hipparchus would have made a list of all eclipses from Nabonasser's time to his own. Other traces of Babylonian practice in Hipparchus' work are:

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