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    Share this article Share The departing president said that violence and disunity within the ANC had contributed towards his decision to depart. I have therefore come to the decision to resign as president of the republic with immediate effect,' he said. Its National Executive Committee had given him one last chance to resign on Tuesday when it delivered a letter to his home urging him to quit.

    Mr Zuma was a member of the ANC's military wing during apartheid, and his charisma and leadership skills speedily won him promotion. He led the country for more than a third of its time after apartheid was abolished finally abolished inpaving the way for Nelson Mandela to become president. Zuma's relationship with the Gupta brothers played a significant part in his downfall - they were accused of major corruption under his tenure and were alleged to have used their ties to the President to influence Cabinet appointments and land state contracts for their businesses.

    Agents from the Hawks, an elite police investigative unit, entered the Gupta family compound in Saxonwold, an affluent neighborhood in Johannesburg on Wednesday. The early morning raid resulted in three arrests, the South African state broadcaster reported. The Gupta family lawyer later confirmed none of the brothers had been arrested on their South African properties. Zuma's waning political credentials were confirmed last December when deputy President Ramaphosa left replaced him as ruling party leader Police also raided the Guptas' Oakbay holding company in Johannesburg's Sandton financial district, according to a security guard outside the building.

    The ANC for its part expressed gratitude for Zuma's 'loyal service' and is now urging party members to support Cyril Ramaphosa, the country's acting president. Mr Ramaphosa is expected to be elected swiftly in a parliament vote and sworn in. For South Africans, who have suffered economic stagnation and national embarrassment following the endless allegations of corruption against Zuma, his presidency only highlighted the failure of national politics.

    The party suffered major setbacks in South Africa's local elections in and is at-risk of losing its majority in general elections scheduled for next year. In Zuma was acquitted of raping a family friend and he is still challenging numerous counts of corruption related to a government arms deal from the late s when he was deputy president. Despite presenting himself as an anti-apartheid veteran, Zuma's waning political credentials were confirmed last December when deputy president Ramaphosa replaced him as ruling party leader.

    He was further embarrassed when he failed to repay public money he had used to renovate his home. A family at the heart of Jacob Zuma's troubles A politically-connected business dynasty that moved to South Africa from India, the Gupta family finds itself at the centre of many of the scandals that have dogged President Jacob Zuma's administration.

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    A day after the ruling ANC ordered Zuma out of office, the Guptas' prominent role in his presidency was highlighted on Wednesday as elite crime-busters raided the family's mansion in Johannesburg.

    Led by Atul, they arrived in South Africa in as white-minority apartheid rule crumbled, a year before Nelson Mandela won the country's first democratic elections. As the country opened up to foreign investment, the Guptas - previously small-scale businessmen in India - built a sprawling empire involved in computers, mining, media, technology and engineering.

    Too close for comfort: The Gupta family is headed by millionaire Indian-born brothers Ajay, left, Rajesh, right and Atul who arrived in South Africa in the early 90 The New Age, an ardently pro-Zuma newspaper, was launched inand the hour news channel ANN7 took to the airwaves in with a similar editorial slant.

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    They had developed close links with the ruling African National Congress ANC party focussing particularly on Zuma, well before he became president in Zuma's third wife Bongi Ngema and one of his daughters have also been in the employ of the Guptas. Backbench ANC lawmaker David van Rooyen was then revealed to have visited the Guptas' home the night before his brief appointment as finance minister on December 9, Both the Guptas and Zuma, who has described the brothers as friends, deny any wrongdoing.

    Public anger erupted after it was revealed that a jet carrying foreign guests to a Gupta wedding landed at Waterkloof Air Force base, outside Pretoria. The airport is a military facility normally used for receiving heads of state. It appeared that Zuma, who was the guest of honour, had tacitly approved the decision, which breached air force and customs and immigration rules.

    There were also allegations that the law was broken when the guests were given a police 'blue light' escort. South Africa's ethics watchdog, the Public Protector, published a damning report in Octoberfinding that the state-owned electricity monopoly had awarded a massive coal order to a then-Gupta linked business at well above market prices. Brothers Ajay and Atul Gupta were accused of offered key government jobs to those who might help their business interests in The report also alleged that former mining minister Mosebenzi Zwane 'travelled to Switzerland with the Guptas to help them seal the deal' to buy a struggling coal mine.

    The family is mentioned times in the report, entitled 'State of Capture' because of the influence that the Guptas are alleged to have exerted on some branches of the state.

    In recent years, major banks have withdrawn their facilities to the Gupta family, complicating the payment of salaries to staff and the day-to-day running of a complex, cash-intensive business empire.

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    India's Bank of Baroda, thought to be the last major bank to continue its relationship with the Guptas in South Africa, recently announced it would withdraw from the country, effectively ending its association with the controversial family.

    They also face the prospect of a judge-led inquiry into their business dealings, as recommended by the public protector's report. One of the biggest scandals in South Africa is over a scheme that allegedly siphoned millions of dollars from a black-empowerment agriculture project. Further arrests in this case could spell the end for the family's foothold in South Africa, commentators predict.

    Since pressure began to mount on the Guptas, they have been reported to be moving their base to Dubai. Born on April 12,in Nkandla, a rural hamlet in KwaZulu-Natal province, Zuma's extraordinary journey inspires his loyal grassroots supporters.

    Popularly referred to as 'JZ', the uneducated youngster rose through the ranks of the then-banned ANC, serving a year stint as an apartheid-era political prisoner on Robben Island along the way.

    After fleeing into exile, he became the party's feared head of intelligence, charged with dealing with traitors and informants. When he took the reins of the ANC in in a party putsch against then-president Thabo Mbeki, Zuma inherited a movement riddled with divisions.

    Tensions have only deepened as the ANC has been accused of losing its moral compass. As criticism of his reign mounted, Zuma maintained a cheerful public facade, often chuckling when allegations against him were repeated. But he was significantly weakened as increasingly senior ANC figures criticised him in public. Zuma is pictured after he was elected president of the ANC in in a party putsch against then-president Thabo Mbeki He was forced into a humiliating climbdown in after firing a respected finance minister and appointing a man widely seen as a stooge.

    As the national rand currency went into free fall, Zuma bowed to pressure and re-appointed Pravin Gordhan, an admired former finance minister, to the crucial post. In a tussle that symbolised his tenacious grip over the ANC, Zuma fought on and finally got the finance minister of his choice in March when Gordhan was ousted in a midnight reshuffle. InZuma agreed to pay back some of the public money spent on his private residence at Nkandla - backing down in the face of a stinging Constitutional Court rebuke.

    He has also been accused of corrupt dealings with the Guptas, a wealthy family of Indian origin, and allegedly granted them influence over his cabinet appointments. That scandal also reached a climax on Wednesday when elite corruption police arrested several people at the Gupta compound in Johannesburg. Zuma's tense relationship with his deputy president Cyril Ramaphosa came to a head this month when the movement to recall Zuma from the presidency gained momentum on the week he was due to deliver a key parliamentary speech.

    The event was postponed as Zuma and Ramaphosa tried to thrash out a transition deal to ease out the embattled head of state. Zuma's private life is as colourful as his political career. A proud traditionalist, he often swaps tailored suits for full leopard-pelt Zulu warrior gear, engaging in energetic ground-stomping tribal dances during ceremonies in his village.

    At ANC rallies, he was often the first to break into tuneful song. In the past, he relished leading supporters in the rousing anti-apartheid struggle song 'Umshini Wami' Bring Me My Machine Gunwhich became his signature tune. The teetotaller and non-smoker has four wives and at least 20 children.

    Before taking office, Zuma dismayed the nation during his rape trial when he told the court he had showered after having unprotected sex with his young HIV-positive accuser to avoid, he said, contracting the virus. The claim incensed safe-sex campaigners - not least because Zuma was head of the country's AIDS council at the time. Zuma was acquitted of rape but is often mocked in newspaper cartoons and depicted with a shower nozzle sprouting from his bald head.

    At Mandela's memorial service inhe was loudly booed by ordinary South Africans in front of world leaders. During Zuma's time in power, South Africa was rocked by increasing social unrest over the failure to provide housing and basic services to the poorest in society. Zuma is also still fighting a court order that could reinstate corruption charges against him over alleged payments linked to a multi-billion dollar arms deal in the s.

    Here are five of his biggest scandals: Zuma said the sex with the year-old family friend was consensual and he was acquitted. But he told the court he had showered to avoid contracting HIV after having unprotected sex with his HIV-positive accuser - a common but dangerous myth. He is still mocked in newspaper cartoons, which often depict him with a shower nozzle sprouting from his bald head.

    It said he should refund some of the money. For two years, Zuma fought the order to repay part of the money. The scandal came to dominate his presidency -- with opposition lawmakers chanting "Pay back the money!

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    In March he was ordered by the Constitutional Court to pay back the cash and suffered a stinging rebuke from the justices who accused him of failing to respect and uphold the constitution. It involved the president's allegedly corrupt relationship with the Gupta brothers, who built a business empire in mining, media, technology and engineering. Smouldering rumours of the family's undue influence on the president burst into flames in when evidence emerged they allegedly offered key government jobs to those who might help their business interests.

    Ousted deputy finance minister Mcebisi Jonas revealed that the Guptas had offered him a promotion shortly before Zuma sacked respected finance minister Nhlanhla Nene in December The accusations relate to a multi-billion-dollar arms deal signed inwhen Zuma was deputy president.

    He allegedly accepted bribes from international arms manufacturers to influence the choice of weaponry. Zuma's advisor, Schabir Shaik, was jailed for 15 years in He was released on medical parole inthe year Zuma became president. After he leaves office, Zuma faces the risk of jail over 18 criminal charges over the payments he received. Despite an arrest warrant from the International Criminal Court on charges of war crimes in the conflict in Darfur, Bashir was allowed to attend a meeting of the African Union in Johannesburg in The government said the fact that he was attending the summit as a head of state meant he had immunity, but the court disagreed.

    Zuma escaped an impeachment attempt over the issue in parliament in Septemberwhen ANC lawmakers voted overwhelmingly against it. Zuma is born in rural Nkandla in KwaZulu-Natal province. He grows up without formal schooling. A member of the armed wing of the ANC, he is convicted of trying to overthrow the apartheid government and serves 10 years on the Robben Island prison alongside Nelson Mandela. Freed, he sets up underground ANC networks and then is the group's chief of intelligence from Zambia.

    He is key in talks that lead to a national unity government after the first all-race elections, inwon by the ANC. Jacob Zuma is pictured meeting the Queen in a wreath-laying ceremony in Durban inwhen he was deputy president He becomes the ANC's vice president. Two years later he is elected deputy president of the country. He is cleared of rape charges but ridiculed for testifying he took a shower after consensual sex with his HIV-positive accuser. He is re-elected in Jacob Zuma pictured the day before the South African general election in when he was elected president A top court finds he flouted the constitution by using public funds to upgrade his private residence.

    An anti-corruption watchdog meanwhile charges he allowed a wealthy Indian business family, the Guptas, undue influence over his government. Zuma fires his finance minister, unleashing open war in the ANC.
    An array of traditional South African cuisine Meat on a traditional South African braai The cuisine of South Africa is heavily meat-based and has spawned the distinctively South African social gathering known as a braai.

    A variation of the barbecue, braais often feature boerewors or spicy sausages, and mielies maize or Mielie-mealoften as a porridge, or pearl milleta staple food of black South Africans. Pastries such like koeksisters and desserts like melktert milk tart are also universally popular.

    Indian food like curry is also popular, especially in Durban with its large Indian population. Another local Indian Durban speciality is the 'bunny' or bunny chowwhich consists of a hollowed-out loaf of white bread filled with curry. The Portuguese community has also made its mark, with spicy peri-peri chicken being a favourite.

    South African wine South Africa has developed into a major wine producer, with some of the best vineyards lying in valleys around StellenboschFranschhoekPaarl and Barrydale. South African wine has a history dating back toand at one time Constantia was considered one of the greatest wines in the world.

    Access to international markets has unleashed a burst of new energy and new investment. Production is concentrated around Cape Townwith major vineyard and production centres at PaarlStellenbosch and Worcester.

    There are about 60 appellations within the Wine of Origin WO system, which was implemented in with a hierarchy of designated production regions, districts and wards. An "Estate Wine" can come from adjacent farms, as long as they are farmed together and wine is produced on site.

    Education in South Africa The heart of the Rhodes University campus Learners have twelve years of formal schooling, from grade 1 to Grade R is a pre-primary foundation year. There are also rewarded pupils with posistions notebally The Top Ten one notetable student is Hayley Pearce b. Primary schools span the first seven years of schooling. The Senior Certificate examination takes place at the end of grade 12 and is necessary for tertiary studies at a South African university.

    Public institutions are usually English medium, although instruction may take place in Afrikaans as well. There are also a large number of other educational institutions in South Africa — some are local campuses of foreign universities, some conduct classes for students who write their exams at the distance-education University of South Africa and some offer unaccredited or non-accredited diplomas.

    Higher education in South Africa Public expenditure on education was at 6.
    One of the key issues relates to chieftaincy operating on principles that are antithetical to democratic ideas and values.

    For example, a chief is not elected into office by popular vote, but through lineage, and is thus in office for life. This system is patriarchal, has largely excluded women from the office, and supports customary laws that are oppressive to women.

    In such a system there is a lack of representation and downward accountability.

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    These opportunities arise through gatherings such as Kgotla in Lesotho, where community members are able to voice their concerns and opinions.

    This practice has a much deeper meaning, as locals perceived this as something more than a set of rules laid down by individual leaders. Rather, it represents the importance of unity in both social and political life. A chief or traditional leader is defined as an individual who, by virtue of his or her ancestry, occupies a stool of an area, and this person has been appointed to it in accordance with the traditions and customs of the area.

    This individual has traditional authority over the people who live in that area.

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    They are social leaders rather than government institutions. Traditional leadership is inherited through kinship ties. During the pre-colonial era for one to assume the leadership position one had to be related by a tie of kinship or based on their common ancestry. Thus traditional leaders qualify for office by their ancestry alone and therefore require no special training.

    Bound together by ties of kinship, marriage or clientelism, they derived their authority from the allegiance of subjects and functioned through the distribution and redistribution of accumulated tribute, usually in the form of cattle.

    Traditional leaders performed a wide range of functions for their societies, ranging from providing safety and security, safeguarding tribal sovereignty, allocating and distributing land and settling land disputes, providing spiritual leadership and the administration of justice. The first involved using colonial bureaucracy to weaken the institution of chieftainship, a system particularly favoured in the Eastern Cape. All the districts of the Transkei were headed by a White magistrate who served as both the judicial and the administrative officer.

    These districts were further divided into locations headed by an appointed headman, who in some cases was a chief or an individual with no traditional authority. This undermined the traditional succession of chiefs, and as a result traditional leaders found themselves to be in an ambiguous position where, on the one hand, they had the obligation to serve their constituency, while on the other hand, they were required to administer the interests of the colonial government.

    Those who collaborated with the colonial government undermined their own legitimacy, and those who sided with their people were deposed.

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    Being a chief during colonial occupation was thus a precarious occupation torn between keeping alive traditional structures and surviving the culturally inconsiderate regime of the British.

    In his book, Chieftaincy and the Concept of Articulation: It is widely recognized that the current form of chieftaincy was entrenched in the latter period when government officials accompanied by tame anthropologists and black information officers scoured the rural districts for the remnants of chiefly lineages. Tribes were defined, tribal and regional authorities were created, and some of the chiefs were installed with much pseudo-traditional ceremony.

    Chiefs were also given salaries and scope for personal gain. In this way the state hoped to secure a conservative or reactionary rural hierarchy which would help to defuse broader national struggles. Their leadership was based on governance of the people and the leader was accountable to their subjects.

    This was effected by introducing an administrative system that cut across tribal boundaries. A grid of twenty-seven magisterial districts, that paid scant regard to the old political units, was imposed on the tribal pattern The districts themselves were subdivided into locations, approximately thirty to a district, and over each was placed a headman, appointed to the post by the administration Although, in fact, succession to office was almost invariably inherited, in law the headman was appointed by Government and was subject to bureaucratic rules of censure and dismissal.

    The chiefs, as such, were all but ignored. The main reduction of authority was in the judicial sphere. No chief or headman was permitted to decide any criminal case and even in civil cases their role was merely one of arbitration.

    They had no power to enforce their decisions and any litigant not satisfied with these decisions could bring his case to the magisterial court. Other levels, such as paramount chiefs, independent headmen and sub chiefs were introduced to elevate or demote certain Africans to higher or lower positions. In discussing the role of the chieftaincies and kingships in the post-Apartheid period, mention must be made of the Inkatha Freedom Party IFPa liberation party that was founded on the 21st of March by a group of patriotic women and men who were under the leadership of Mangosuthu Buthelezi.

    The IFP draws its support base largely from Zulu ethnic groups.

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    The party places particular emphasis and value on traditional leadership and authority. The party further threatened to boycott the first democratic elections. In an effort to prevent a boycott of the first democratic election by the IFP, the Constitution was amended to read that the provincial constitutions would provide the institutional roles, authority and status of traditional monarchs.

    However, powers and responsibilities given to traditional leaders in the Constitution was less than their representatives had lobbied for during the negotiation process. A number of amendments and legislative proposals have been adopted, including different programmes that have been implemented for the purposes of ensuring that traditional leadership contributes to the development of society.

    Furthermore, legislation opened channels for traditional councils and municipalities to work more cohesively to ensure that traditional councils have a voice in government and may also enter into partnerships and service delivery agreements with the municipalities. Their objectives are to promote the role of traditional leadership within a democratic constitutional dispensation, and enhance unity and understanding among traditional communities and advise national government.

    This Act places an obligation on government to promote and protect the institution of traditional leadership. It also provides a specific framework on how the relations between traditional leaders and authorities of government should be governed: Within some of these cultures their political authority is centralized, which allows chiefs and kings to intervene in social conflicts.

    The rationale for this change was that according to custom, there are generally three levels of traditional leadership positions recognized; Kingship, Chieftainship and Headmanship. In former President Thabo Mbeki appointed a panel of experts to investigate traditional leadership disputes and claims dating back to The panel discovered that out of the 13 paramount kingships, only six were qualified to be recognized as Kingships or Queenships.

    However, current president Jacob Zuma has given his assurance that those traditional leaders who were found to be illegitimate would not be dethroned, but that the title will come to an end on the death of the current incumbents. It was also stated that while these six Kingships will be phased out, the successors of the incumbents will be recognized by relevant premiers as principal traditional leaders. State and Society in Democratic South Africa,

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